Wednesday, December 21, 2016

Malaysia votes 'NO' - UNGA Resolution on Moratorium On The Use of The Death Penalty(19/12/2016)

Malaysia, disappointingly, voted against the Death Penalty resolution - odd as Malaysia is in the process of finalizing its study on the abolition of the death penalty...Logically, Malaysia should have abstained rather than objected...


[117 of the UN’s 193 member states voted in favour of the proposal. Only 40 states voted against it and 31 abstained at the vote]

Below the Draft Test of the Resolution(for the final text, visit UN Website) 

The General Assembly, 

Guided by the purposes and principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations, 

Reaffirming the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child,

Recalling the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty, and in this regard welcoming the increasing number of accessions to and ratifications of the Second Optional Protocol, 

Reaffirming its resolutions 62/149 of 18 December 2007, 63/168 of 18 December 2008, 65/206 of 21 December 2010, 67/176 of 20 December 2012 and 69/186 of 18 December 2014 on the question of a moratorium on the use of the death penalty, in which the General Assembly called upon States that still maintain the death penalty to establish a moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing it, 

Welcoming all relevant decisions and resolutions of the Human Rights Council, 

Mindful that any miscarriage or failure of justice in the implementation of the death penalty is irreversible and irreparable, 

Convinced that a moratorium on the use of the death penalty contributes to respect for human dignity and to the enhancement and progressive development of human rights, and considering that there is no conclusive evidence of the deterrent value of the death penalty, 

Noting ongoing local and national debates and regional initiatives on the death penalty, as well as the readiness of an increasing number of Member States to make available to the public information on the use of the death penalty, and also, in this regard, the decision by the Human Rights Council in its resolution 26/2 of 26 June 20145 to convene biennial high-level panel discussions in order to further exchange views on the question of the death penalty, 

Recognizing the role of national human rights institutions in contributing to ongoing local and national debates and regional initiatives on the death penalty, 

Welcoming the considerable movement towards the abolition of the death penalty globally and the fact that many States are applying a moratorium, including long-standing moratoriums, either in law or in practice, on the use of the death penalty, 

Emphasizing the need to ensure that persons facing the death penalty are treated with humanity and with respect for their inherent dignity and in compliance with their rights under international human rights law, 

Noting the technical cooperation among Member States, as well as the role of relevant United Nations entities and human rights mechanisms, in supporting State efforts to establish moratoriums on the death 

Bearing in mind the work of special procedures mandate holders who have addressed human rights issues related to the death penalty within the framework of their respective mandates,

1. Reaffirms the sovereign right of all countries to develop their own legal systems, including determining appropriate legal penalties, in accordance with their international law obligations;

2. Expresses its deep concern about the continued application of the death penalty;

3. Welcomes the report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of resolution 69/186 and the recommendations contained therein;

4. Also welcomes the steps taken by some States to reduce the number of offences for which the death penalty may be imposed, as well as steps taken to limit its application;

5. Further welcomes initiatives and political leadership encouraging national discussions and debates on the possibility of moving away from capital punishment through domestic decision-making;

6. Welcomes the decisions made by an increasing number of States from all regions, at all levels of government, to apply a moratorium on executions, followed in many cases by the abolition of the death penalty;

7. Calls upon all States:

(a) To respect international standards that provide safeguards guaranteeing protection of the rights of those facing the death penalty, in particular the minimum standards, as set out in the annex to Economic and Social Council resolution 1984/50 of 25 May 1984, as well as to provide the Secretary-General with information in this regard;

(b) To comply with their obligations under article 36 of the 1963 Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, particularly the right to receive information on consular assistance;

(c) To make available relevant information, disaggregated by sex, age, and race, as applicable, and other applicable criteria, with regard to their use of the death penalty, inter alia, the number of persons sentenced to death, the number of persons on death row and the number of executions carried out, the number of death sentences reversed or commuted on appeal and information on any scheduled execution, which can contribute to possible informed and transparent national and international debates, including on the obligations of States pertaining to the use of the death penalty;

(d) To progressively restrict the use of the death penalty and not to impose capital punishment for offences committed by persons below 18 years of age, on pregnant women or on persons with mental or intellectual disabilities;

(e) To reduce the number of offences for which the death penalty may be imposed;

(f) To ensure that those facing the death penalty can exercise their right to apply for pardon or commutation of their death sentence by ensuring that clemency procedures are fair and transparent and that prompt information is provided at all stages of the process;

(g) To establish a moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty;

8. Calls upon States which have abolished the death penalty not to reintroduce it, and encourages them to share their experience in this regard;

9. Encourages States which have a moratorium to maintain it and to share their experience in this regard;

10. Calls upon States that have not yet done so to consider acceding to or ratifying the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty;

11. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the General Assembly at its seventy-third session on the implementation of the present resolution;

12. Decides to continue consideration of the matter at its seventy-third session under the item entitled “Promotion and protection of human rights”.

Some observations of a friend as follows:-

The plenary session of the UN General Assembly adopted yesterday its sixth resolution on a moratorium on the use of the death penalty with 117 votes in favour, 40 against and 31 abstentions.

The text of the resolution includes some positive new additions compared to 2014, including:

-a reference to the role of national human rights institutions in contributing to ongoing local and national debates and regional initiatives on the death penalty;
-a request to make available relevant information on any scheduled execution, in addition to other information already listed in previous resolutions;
-a call on states that still retain the death penalty “To ensure that those facing the death penalty can exercise their right to apply for pardon or commutation of their death sentence by ensuring that clemency procedures are fair and transparent and that prompt information is provided at all stages of the process;”

Unfortunately the opponents of the resolution managed this year to include in the resolution a new paragraph that recalls their sovereign right to determine their legal systems, as follows:

“1. Reaffirms the sovereign right of all countries to develop their own legal systems, including determining appropriate legal penalties, in accordance with their international law obligations;”

While the number of the votes in favour remained the same as in 2014, there have been some interesting changes in the voting, both positively and negatively:

Positive changes:
-Guinea, Malawi, Namibia, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka moved from abstention to vote in favour;
-Zimbabwe moved from vote against to abstention;
- Swaziland also moved from not present to vote in favour (but voted against the resolution in previous years).
-Lesotho moved from not present to abstention (but abstained in previous resolutions, so did not mention this in our AI statement); Nauru moved from not present to vote in favour (but supported the resolutions in previous years, so we did not mention this in our statement).

Negative changes:
-Equatorial Guinea, Niger, Philippines, Seychelles moved from vote in favour to abstention;
-Maldives moved from abstention to vote against;
-Burundi and South Sudan moved from vote in favour to vote against.
Several states also did not vote yesterday, for whatever reason, contributing to the final results:
-DRC, Gambia, Senegal went from abstention to not present;
-Rwanda  went from vote in favour to not present.

This leaves us with a somewhat bittersweet result: on one hand, the number of votes in favour has not become higher compared to 2014; on the other hand, some of the positive changes might signal the beginning of new journeys towards abolition.

2016 has been a very challenging year all around, including for the death penalty-some of the negative vote changes were somewhat expected, some perhaps speak to greater human rights challenges.

Thank you nonetheless for your continued work to get us all here-look forward to more work together in the new year.
Amnesty International’s public statement on yesterday’s vote can be found below and at this link:

MADPET and 36 groups :- Abolish POCA and All Detention Without Trial Laws and the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 - Siti Noor Aishah Atam's case highlighted

Media Statement – 20/12/2016

Immediately Release Siti Noor Aishah Atam from Restrictions Under Prevention Of Crime Act 1959 (POCA)

Abolish POCA and All Detention Without Trial Laws and  the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012

We, the 37 undersigned civil society organisations, trade unions  and groups, are appalled to hear about the case of  Siti Noor Aishah Atam, 29 year old Malaysian woman, who was arrested for the alleged possession of 12 books, detained, tried and acquitted by court, and thereafter re-arrested and detained under Prevention Of Crime Act 1959 (POCA). We are shocked that Siti Noor Aishah, despite being acquitted and released by Court, which also denied the prosecution’s application to continue to detain her under the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012(SOSMA) pending appeal, was re-arrested and detained, and have now been imposed with Restriction Orders, which included being fitted with an electronic monitoring device (EMD). 

The case, one of the very few cases of victims  POCA which had gone to trial, for most victims of POCA and other detention without trial laws never get the opportunity to get a trial. There are now more than a thousand victims of POCA, POTA and other detention without trial laws, who have been or are now still detained without trial and/or subjected to Restriction Orders, without any opportunity to even challenge the alleged reasons for their Detention or Restrictions, a gross injustice is being done to them, as many of whom like Siti Noor Aishah Atam would more than likely be innocent. These victims have certainly never been proven guilty. As at Sept 30, 2015, 975 people have been detained under Poca(Malaysiakini, 29/11/2016)

Without the right to judicial review, including habeas corpus application, the risk and possibility that the innocent are all being now denied their liberty and rights is totally unacceptable. It is a denial of the fundamental human rights, including the right to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal’ (Article 10, Universal Declaration of Human Rights). Article 11(1) of the UDHR also states that ‘Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.


Siti Noor Aishah, who was arrested on 22/3/2016, have been a victim of SOSMA, and now continues to be a victim of POCA.

On March 22, 2016, Siti Noor Aishah , a University of Malaya Masters of Usuluddin (Islamic Studies) student, was arrested for allegedly having in her possession, books on Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), Islamic State (IS) and Al Qaeda (AQ) at her residence at Lot 1241, Jalan Lapangan Terbang Sura, Dungun, Terengganu at 12.25pm, an offence the Penal Code.

On April 19,2016,  she was charged in the Magistrate Court in Kemaman, Trengganu under Section 130JB(1)(a) of the Penal Code which states that ‘whoever-  (a) has possession, custody or control of; or  (b) provides, displays, distributes or sells, any item associated with any terrorist group or the commission of a terrorist act shall be punished with imprisonment for a term not exceeding seven years, or with fine, and shall also be liable to forfeiture of any such item.’ The case was then transferred to the High Court in Kuala Lumpur.

On July 25,2016, she pleaded not guilty and claimed trial at the High Court.

On 29/9/2016, Judicial Commissioner Datuk Mohamad Shariff Abu Samah, at the close of prosecution’s case, the judge acquitted and released her, without requiring Siti Noor Aishah to enter her defence as the court found that the prosecution had failed to prove a prima facie case against the accussed [‘… pihak  pendakwaan  telah  gagal  untuk  membuktikan suatu  kes  Prima  facie  terhadap  OKT…’ (extract from the Court Judgment)]

The Judge, amongst others, in his judgment said, ‘…Apalah ertinya     pemilikan     buku-buku tersebut yang   dikatakan mempunyai  kaitan  dan  unsur-unsur  pengganas  menjadi  suatu kesalahan  keatas  sesiapa  yang  memiliki  buku-buku  tersebut, walhal   pihak   Kementerian   Dalam   Negeri   gagal   menjalankan fungsi    sebenarnya    untuk    mengharamkan    dan    seterusnya menghapuskan buku-buku…’ (What is the meaning when possession of the said books said to have links and elements of terrorism is an offence against those found in possession of such books, when the Ministry of Home Affairs fails to even ban and thereafter destroy such books.)

It was also reported that the Court, after acquitting Siti Noor Aishah, also rejected the application of Deputy Public Prosecutor to continue to detain Siti Nor Aishah in prison pursuant to section 30(1) Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA) whilst waiting for the appeal to be filed by the prosecution against the decision to acquit. (Bernama – Sinar Harian, 29/9/2016)

It was recently reported in the media (Malaysiakini, 29/11/2016), that Siti Nor Aishah was thereafter arrested and detained under the Prevention of Crime Act 1959(POCA) until Saturday(26/11/2016), and has now been fitted with an electronic monitoring device (EMD), and asked to report every Friday at the police station in Bukit Aman for 8 weeks. She is also most likely subjected to a Restriction Orders(or Police Supervision Orders) under POTA – which could include inhibitions with regard to movement, restrictions as to the people she can communicate with, and even restrictions with regard access to the internet and social media.

Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012(SOSMA)

This law provides for the uses of ‘special measures’ in security offences cases. After arrest, for the purpose of investigation, the police can normally hold a suspect for 24 hours, and if more time is required, the police need apply to a Magistrate for further remand in a hearing where the suspect can also be represented by a lawyer. The Magistrate will consider the reasons advanced and the submissions, and thereafter, if justified, may allow further remand for a specific number of days. If further remand is needed after that, the police will have to apply again to the Magistrate, and the maximum number of days of remand permitted is 14 days.

However, when the police resort to SOSMA, there is no more the need to apply to the Magistrate for further remand beyond 24 hours, and as such there is no more judicial intervention, which acts as a necessary check and balance to prevent abuse of detention powers by the police. SOSMA only requires the authority of a police officer of the rank of Superintendent or above, to be able to detain a suspect for up to 28 days. In Siti’s case, this provision of SOSMA was most likely used, as she was only brought to court to be charged on 19/4/2016, which is certainly more usual 14 days. SOSMA was also used recently in case of Human Rights Defender Maria Chin.

In the trial, it was also disclosed by the prosecutor in the Judgment, that SOSMA was also used for the purposes of investigation, and it was also used during the trial. SOSMA allows the use of evidence, which in normal trials would not be admissible by reason of  requirements in the Evidence Act and the Criminal Procedure Code. 


POCA is a Detention Without Trial law, like the former Internal Security Act(ISA), which allows for Administrative Detention and/or Restrictions to be imposed on a person. The Act also denies victims of POCA the ability to challenge the reasons and/or justification for the said Detentions/Restrictions/Police Supervision Orders in a court of law. The ousting of the Courts ability to review the reasons of the government for arresting, detaining and/or imposing restrictions only encourages abuse, and injustice against the innocent.

The use of POCA to detain, and now impose restrictions on rights and freedoms of Siti Nor Aishah, especially after the High Court had heard her case, and acquitted her is wrong.

Additionally, given the fact that the court denied the application by prosecution to continue to detain her until the appeal against her acquittal, we are of the opinion that the subsequent use of POCA to arrest and detain her may amount to contempt of court, and certainly a gross disrespect of the court.

The POCA amendments in 2014 and 2015 extended its usage was extended from just persons involved in triad gangs, to now also include persons allegedly involved in drug trafficking, trafficking of human persons, smuggling of migrants and even terrorism offences. It also covers crimes committed by 3 or more persons.

It must also be highlighted, that POCA clearly states that the detention under POCA ‘...shall be without prejudice to the taking of any criminal proceeding against that person, whether during or after the period of his detention...’ That means that a person detained on the basis of some allegation, can at a later date also find himself again being charged in court for a crime based on the same allegations.

POCA, the Prevention Of Terrorism Act 2015(POTA) and other laws that allows for detention/restrictions without trial  clearly violates human rights, and it must be abolished.


CALL for the immediate and unconditional release of Siti Noor Aishah Atam from any Detention or Restriction(Police Supervision) orders under Prevention Of Crime Act 1959(POCA) or any such Detention Without Trial laws;

CALL for the immediate and unconditional release of all persons currently being detained/restricted under Prevention Of Crime Act 1959(POCA) or any such Detention Without Trial laws;

CALL for the repeal of Prevention Of Crime Act 1959(POCA), Prevention Of Terrorism Act 2015(POTA)    any such Detention Without Trial laws;

CALL for the repeal of Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012(SOSMA)

Charles Hector
For and on behalf of the 37 undersigned civil society organisations, trade unions  and groups

AJAR Timor-Leste
Association of Domestic Home and Maquila Workers. ATRAHDOM- Guatemala
Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters- HRDP, Myanmar
Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha(MASUM), India
Center for Prisoners' Rights, Japan
Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights (CENTRA), Cambodia
Christian Development Alternative (CDA), Bangladesh 
Clean Clothes Campaign(CCC)
Community Development Centre (CDC)
Electronic Industry Employees Union (EIEU) Southern Region, Peninsular Malaysia
IDEAL (Institute for Development of Alternative Living)
Japan Innocence and Death Penalty Information Center
JERIT (Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas)
JKOASM (Jaringan Kampung Orang Asli Semenanjung)
Kesatuan Kebangsaan Anak Kapal Kabin Malaysia(NUFAM)/National Union of Flight Attendants Malaysia
MADPET(Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture)
Malaysian Physicians for Social Responsibility
National Union of Transport Equipment & Allied Industries Workers (NUTEAIW), Malaysia
North South Initiative
Odhikar, Bangladesh
OHMSI (Oriental Hearts and Mind Study Institute), Malaysia
Pemuda Persatuan Hokkien Selangor & KL
Persatuan Komuniti Prihatin Selangor & KL (PRIHATIN) 
Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor
Philipping Alliance of Human Rights Advocates or PAHRA
Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity, India
PROHAM - Society for the Promotion of Human Rights, Malaysia
Pusat Komas
Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia(SABM)
SUARAM(Suara Rakyat Malaysia)
WH4C (Workers Hub For Change)
Women's Centre for Change, Penang (WCC)
Yayasan LINTAS NUSA Batam _ Indonesia

Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall's (KLSCAH) Civil Rights Committee

Thursday, November 24, 2016

MADPET and 79 Groups - Free Human Rights Defender Maria Chin, Abolish SOSMA!

Free Maria Chin, Abolish SOSMA!

We, the undersigned civil society organizations, strongly condemn the detention of the chairperson of Bersih 2.0, Maria Chin Abdullah, on 18 November 2016 for 28 days under the new Internal Security Act (ISA) – the draconian Security Offence (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA). 

Total participation was 60k - 100k, At a single time 40k

We reiterate that the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression of the people are guaranteed by the Federal Constitution. The Bersih 5 rally had been very peaceful and conducted without any untoward incidents despite repeated violence and provocation from the red shirts before the rally. The act of the police in arresting leaders of civil society movements and opposition parties before they could exercise their constitutional rights is not only mala-fide, but also a blatant abuse of powers in violation of the Federal Constitution. 

We are further outraged with the use of the draconian SOSMA against Maria Chin Adullah. When SOSMA was legislated in 2012 to replace the infamous ISA which was abolished after widespread opposition from the people, the government assured the public that the new legislation that gave extensive powers to the police would only be used against terrorists and that “no person shall be arrested and detained for his or her political beliefs and activities.” Those members of parliament that ignored the criticism of the civil society and passed the law should now be held accountable. 

Clearly, Maria Chin Abdullah is no terrorist. The use of SOSMA against Maria Chin Abdullah to stop her from leading the Bersih 5 rally, and previously against Khairuddin Abu Hassan and Matthias Chang to stop them from lodging complaints of corruption in 1MDB overseas, have proven that when such a powerful legislation is given to the government, it will not hesitate to use it to cover-up the abuse of powers and corruption in the government. 

We reiterate our concerns that the prolonged 28 days of detention under the SOSMA with limited access to legal representation and family is a blatant violation of international human rights laws. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights provides that no one should be subject to arbitrary arrest and detention and that anyone arrested or detained on a criminal charge shall be brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorized by law to exercise judicial power and shall be entitled to trial within a reasonable time or to be released.

The 28 days of prolonged detention without judicial oversights such as disallowing the detainees to have access to lawyers and family members will only facilitate the practice of torture, either mental or physical or both. 

We condemn the use of a secret detention place by the police in detaining Maria Chin. The use of secret detention center is totally unacceptable in a civilized society. All detention centers must be made public and subject to public scrutiny to ensure that they are operated in accordance to the law and the rights of the detainees. 

We are therefore extremely concerned with the mental and physical wellbeing of Maria Chin Abdullah who is being held in solitary confinement in a cell with no windows and where the lights are kept on for 24 hours. Such detention environment is inhumane and constitutes a form of torture under international human rights laws. 

We demand the release of Maria Chin Abdullah immediately and unconditionally. 

We demand that Maria Chin Abdullah have unlimited access to lawyers and her family members whilst she is still under detention

We demand that the authorities preserve and ensure the mental and physical wellbeing of Maria Chin Abdullah while in detention and that she is accorded prompt medical treatment when required.

We call on the National Human Rights Commission to visit Maria Chin Abdullah regularly at the secret detention place to ensure her rights and wellbeing.

We call upon the Inspector General of Police to be more professional and transparent to uphold the law and demand the government to abolish the draconian SOSMA.

1.      Akademi Belia
2.      All Women’s Action Society (AWAM)
3.      Anak Muda Sarawak (AMS)
4.      Angkatan Warga Aman Malaysia (WargaAMAN)
5.      Article 19, London, United Kingdom
6.      Association of Women Lawyers (AWL) 
7.      Baramkini
8.      Bersih Sibu
9.      Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC)
10.  The Centre to Combat Corruption & Cronyism (C4)
11.  Council of Churches of Malaysia (CCM)
13.  G25
14.  Greenfriends Sabah
15.  Institut Kajian Dasar (IKD)
16.  Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF)
17.  Japan Graduates Association,Malaysia (JAGAM)
18.  Jaringan Orang Asal SeMalaysia (JOAS)
19.  Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (JERIT)
20.  Jawatankuasa Bertindak Kuala Lumpur Tak Nak Insinerator
21.  Jihad for Justice
22.  Johor Yellow Flame (JYF)
23.  Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH)
24.  Kuen Cheng Alumni Association 
25.  Kumpulan Aktivis Mahasiswa Independen (KAMI) 
26.  LLG Cultural Development Centre (LLG)
27.  Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture MADPET
28.  Malaysian Indians Progressive Association (MIPAS)
29.  Malaysian Indians Transformation Action Team (MITRA)
30.  Malaysian Network of Engaged Buddhists
31.  Malaysian Physicians for Social Responsibility (MPSR)
32.  Malaysia Youth & Students Democratic Movement (DEMA)
33.  Malaysian Youth Care Association (PRIHATIN)
34.  Mama Bersih 
35.  Muslim Professionals Forum (MPF)
36.  National Indian Rights Action Team (NIAT)
37.  Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall (NSCAH)
38.  One Race – Human Race
39.  Oriental Hearts and Mind Study Institute (OHMSI)
40.  Partners of Community Organizations in Sabah (PACOS Trust)
41.  Pemuda Sosialis 
42.  People Welfare And Rights Organisation (POWER)
43.  Perak Women for Women Society (PWW)
44.  Persatuan Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Aliran)
45.  Persatuan Alumni PBTUSM Bahagian Utara
46.  Persatuan Alumni PBTUSM Kuala Lumpur dan Selangor 
47.  Persatuan Bekas Siswazah Universiti dan Kolej di China, Malaysia(LiuHua)
48.  Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (EMPOWER)
49.  Persatuan Masyarakat Sel dan Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
50.  Persatuan Meditasi Prajna Kuala Lumpur & Selangor 
51.  Persatuan Penganut Buddha Bodhi Kuala Lumpur (PPBBKL)
52.  Persatuan Rapat Malaysia (RAPAT)
53.  Persatuan Sahabat Wanita, Selangor (PSWS)
54.  Pertubuhan IKRAM Malaysia (IKRAM)
55.  Pertubuhan Pembangunan Kebajikan Dan Persekitaran Positif Malaysia (SEED)
56.  Projek Dialog
57.  Pusat KOMAS
58.  Raub Ban Cyanide Action Committee (BCAC)
59.  Sabah Women's Action Resource Group (SAWO)
60.  Sahabat Rakyat
61.  Sarawak Access (SACCESS)
62.  Save Open Space, Kota Kinabalu, Sabah
63.  Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
64.  The Society for the Promotion of Human Rights (PROHAM)
65.  Student Progressive Front USM
66.  Student Progressive Front UUM
67.  Sunflower Electoral Education Movement (SEED)
68.  Sisters in Islam (SIS)
69.  SUARAM Malaysia
70.  Tenaganita
71.  Teoh Beng Hock Trust for Democracy
72.  Tindak Malaysia (TM)
73.  USM Tionghua Language Society
74.  We Are Malaysians
75.  Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO)
76.  Women’s Centre for Change (WCC)
77.  Women Development Organisation of Malaysia PJ branch
78.  Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
79.  Vajrayana Buddhist Council of Malaysia 
80.  Young Buddhist Association of Malaysia (YBAM)
Inline image 1
From left, Ireza (No. 54 in endorsee list - SEED), Cheng Su Chean (No. 23 - KLSCAH), Nalini (No. 5 - Art 19), Dasan (No. 28 - MIPAS), Ahmad Muziru (No 16 - IRF), Christopher Chong (No 44 - Aliran), Ho Yock Lin (No 2 - AWAM), Noor Farida Ariffin (No 13 - G25), R.S. McCoy (No. 31 - MPSR), and Ryan Chua (No 57 - KOMAS)
Sitting from left, Cynthia Chin (Maria Chin's sister), Zaid Kamaruddin (GBM chair and Deputy President of IKRAM - No 54) and Shahrul Aman (Acting Chair of Bersih 2.0)0